Most of what you think you know about Rosa Parks may well be wrong.
On the 100th anniversary of her birth this Monday comes a fascinating new book, “The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks,” by Jeanne Theoharis, a Brooklyn College professor. It argues that the romanticized story of a meek seamstress with aching feet who just happened into history in a moment of uncalculated resistance is mythology.
As Theoharis points out, “Rosa’s family sought to teach her a controlled anger, a survival strategy that balanced compliance with militancy.”
Parks was mostly raised by her grandparents. Her grandfather, a Marcus Garvey follower, often sat vigil on the porch with a rifle in case the Klan came. She sometimes sat with him because, as the book says she put it, “I wanted to see him kill a Ku Kluxer.”
One of the most troubling and possibly most controversial scenes in the book occurs when Rosa is a young woman working as a domestic. A white man whom she calls “Mr. Charlie” tries to sexually assault her. Determined to protect herself, she taunts him as she evades him, haranguing him about the “white man’s inhuman treatment of the Negro.”
Rosa married Raymond Parks, a civil rights activist who sometimes carried a gun and who impressed her because, she said, “he refused to be intimidated by white people.”
She spent nearly two decades before the bus incident organizing and agitating for civil rights, mostly as the secretary of the Montgomery, Ala., branch of the NAACP. But it wasn’t until Parks was in her 40s and attended an integrated workshop that she found “for the first time in my adult life that this could be a unified society.” This didn’t mean that she was eager for integration. She was quoted as saying that what was sought “was not a matter of close physical contact with whites, but equal opportunity.”
And Parks was by no means the first person to perform an act of civil disobedience on a bus. She knew of the people whose similar actions had preceded her own, even raising money for some of their defense funds. She also encouraged others to commit these acts of civil disobedience.
Parks explained that “I had felt for a long time, that if I was ever told to get up so a white person could sit, that I would refuse to do so.”
That day came on Dec. 1, 1955, when a bus driver asked her to get up so that a white man could sit. She refused. This was a political calculation informed by a life of activism. As Parks put it, “an opportunity was being given to me to do what I had asked of others.”
And the idea that she stayed seated because of physical fatigue is fiction. “I didn’t tell anyone my feet were hurting,” the book quotes her as saying. “I suppose they wanted to give some excuse other than the fact that I didn’t want to be pushed around.”
The book also lays out Parks’ leading role in the bus boycotts and her activism after the civil rights movement.
When Parks died in 2005, Theoharis says, “The Rosa Parks who surfaced in the deluge of public commentary was, in nearly every account, characterized as ‘quiet,’ ‘dignified,’ ‘soft-spoken, ‘not angry.’” Parks had been sanitized for easy consumption.
Fortunately, this book seeks to restore Parks’ wholeness. The Rosa Parks in this book is as much Malcolm X as she is Martin Luther King Jr.