How far they’ve come. And I’m not talking about the GOP, whose front-runner representing 37 percent of the Republican electorate has repudiated post-Reagan orthodoxy on trade, entitlement reform, limited government and Pax Americana (and possibly abortion, but who knows?). I’m talking about the Democrats.
The center-left, triangulating, New Democrat (Bill) Clintonism of the 1990s is dead. It expired of unnatural causes, buried by its very creator.
The final chapter occurred last week when, responding to Black Lives Matter hecklers, Bill Clinton unleashed an impassioned defense of his 1994 crime bill. He accused the protesters of discounting the thousands of lives, mostly black, that were saved amid the crack epidemic of the time because gang leaders and other bad guys got locked up.
Yet the next day, he said he regretted the incident and almost wanted to apologize. It was obviously meant to protect his wife’s campaign, which depends on the African-American vote.
You know Bill Clinton still believes his crime bill was justified. One cannot definitively prove causality, but it certainly contributed to one of the most radical declines in crime ever recorded in this country.
Moreover, the Black Lives Matter charge that the 1994 law was an inherently racist engine is belied by the fact that it was supported by two-thirds of the Congressional Black Caucus.
It’s one thing to argue that the law overshot and is due for revision. It’s quite another to claim, as does Black Lives Matter, that it was a vehicle by which a racist criminal justice system destroyed the lives of young black men. Hillary Clinton, catching up to Bernie Sanders, has essentially endorsed that view.
For the man who changed the image of the Democratic Party 25 years ago by daring to challenge the reverse racism of Sister Souljah to have to bow to this new – false – orthodoxy symbolizes perfectly how far the Democratic Party has traveled since the Clinton era.
But the 2016 undoing of classic Clintonism hardly stops there. Take trade. It was Bill who promoted and passed NAFTA. Although Hillary criticized NAFTA when she ran in 2007-2008, as secretary of state she returned to her traditional free-trade stance, promoting the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
Now she has come out against the TPP, once again stampeded by Sanders and the party’s left, i.e., its base. She may not have sincerely changed her view, but there are only so many times you can flip-flop. She’s boxed into the party’s new anti-trade consensus.
Other pillars of her husband’s internationalism were already toppled, pre-2016, by the Obama presidency, often with her collaboration. At the core of Bill Clinton’s foreign policy lay the notion of America as the “indispensable nation.” It is today quite dispensable, indeed a nation in retreat.
Same with another of Bill’s major achievements: welfare reform. President Obama has essentially dismantled its work requirements (with Bill Clinton’s acquiescence, a sign of things to come).
Today’s party is nothing like the one of Bill’s time. Which is why Hillary campaigns as Bernie lite. Hence the greatest irony of all: For the last decade and a half, the main propellant for the Hillary-for-president movement has been the rosy afterglow of Bill’s 1990s, the end-of-history era of peace, prosperity and balanced budgets.
Want it back? Vote Hillary. That’s the tease. Yet a Hillary victory would yield a Clinton Redux animated not by Bill but by Bernie.